Polshaning dinga qarshi kampaniyasi - Polish anti-religious campaign

The Polshaning Dinga qarshi kampaniyasi tomonidan boshlangan kommunistik Polsha Xalq Respublikasi doktrinasi ostida bo'lgan rejim Marksizm, dinni huquqdan mahrum etish va rejalashtirilgan ateizmni faol ravishda himoya qildi.[1][2] Shu maqsadda rejim dinga qarshi targ'ibot va ruhoniylarni va monastirlarni ta'qib qilish.[2] Ko'pgina boshqa kommunistik mamlakatlarda bo'lgani kabi, din ham bundan mustasno emas edi (bundan mustasno holat) Albaniya ) va konstitutsiya tomonidan ruxsat berilgan, ammo davlat ateistik jamiyatga erishishga harakat qildi.

Katolik cherkovi, ko'pchilikning dini sifatida Qutblar, uni bostirishga uringan hukumat tomonidan fuqarolarning sadoqati uchun raqobatdosh raqib sifatida ko'rilgan.[3]

The Polshadagi katolik cherkovi kommunistik rejimga kuchli qarshilik ko'rsatdi va Polshaning o'zi uzoq vaqtdan beri chet el boshqaruviga qarshi bo'lgan.[4] Polsha xalqi cherkovga qo'shni davlatda bo'lgani kabi miting o'tkazdi Litva Bu esa, rejimning o'z diniy siyosatini SSSRda bo'lgani kabi qiyinlashtirdi, chunki bu erda xalq xalq bilan ommaviy birdamlik qilmagan edi. Rus pravoslav cherkovi. Polshada kommunizm hukmronligi davrida u rejimning eng kuchli raqibiga aylandi va boshqa kommunistik davlatlarning aksariyatida diniy idoralarga qaraganda ancha muvaffaqiyatli qarshilik ko'rsatdi.[3]

Katolik cherkovi kommunistik mafkurani shubhasiz qoraladi.[5] Bu Polshadagi diniy faoliyatni boshqa kommunistik mamlakatlarga qaraganda ehtiyotkorlik va murosaga keltiruvchi yo'l tutishga majbur bo'lishiga olib keldi, asosan Polsha cherkovini boshqarish yoki bostirishga urinishlarda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi.[4]

Papalik SE.svg emblemi
A qismi seriyali kuni
Quvg'inlar
ning Katolik cherkovi
046CupolaSPietro.jpg Katoliklik portali

Kommunistik boshqaruv (1944–1956)

Polshada Kommunistik hukumatning o'tmishdoshi Polsha Milliy Ozodlik Qo'mitasi bo'lib, u 1944 yilda Sovet Ittifoqi tomonidan ishg'ol qilingan Lyublinada ish boshlagan. Dastlab u Polshadagi cherkovga ijobiy va'dalar bergan, shu jumladan fashistlar olib ketgan va ozod qilgan mulklarni qayta tiklash. Agrar islohotlardan cherkov mulki.[6]

Va undan keyingi tajribalar Ikkinchi jahon urushi, bu erda katta Yahudiy ozchilik edi fashistlar tomonidan yo'q qilingan, katta nemis ozchilik edi majburan mamlakatdan chiqarib yuborilgan urush oxirida, yo'qotish bilan birga sharqiy hududlar Sharqiy pravoslav beloruslar va ukrainlarning muhim aholisi bo'lgan Polshaning katolik bo'lishiga olib keldi.[4]

Sovet qo'shinlari Ikkinchi Jahon urushi oxirida Polshani bosib olgandan so'ng, Sovet Ittifoqi qo'llab-quvvatlagan hukumat Polshadagi katolik cherkovi ustidan nazoratni qo'lga kiritishga qaratilgan bosqichma-bosqich yondashuvni amalga oshirdi.[5]

Urush tugagandan so'ng, hukumat katoliklarning ijtimoiy xizmatlariga ishni davom ettirishga ruxsat berdi va hukumat buzilgan yoki vayron qilingan cherkovlarni katta miqdordagi davlat xarajatlari evaziga tikladi.[6] Dastlabki bir necha yil ichida Polshadagi katolik cherkovi Sharqiy Evropaning yangi ozod qilingan davlatlaridagi boshqa diniy idoralarga qaraganda ancha yaxshi munosabatda bo'lgan. Ushbu yumshoq yondashuv kommunizmning polyaklar orasida mashhurligi yo'qligi va yangi rejimning o'zini Polshaning qonuniy hukumati sifatida ko'rsatishda qiynalishi natijasida yuzaga keldi; aksariyat polyaklar yaxshi qo'llab-quvvatlagan cherkovga hujum qilish, bu juda xavfli edi.[7]

Umumiy Karol Shveytsevskiy da xalqaro brigadada jang qilgan Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi, berilgan Katolik dafn marosimlari, Polsha radioeshittirishlari massa 1947 yilgacha va Boleslav Bierut 1947 yildagi prezident qasamyodi 'iborasi bilan tugadiXudo menga yordam ber '.[8]

Izolyatsiya siyosati

Polsha hukumati Moskvaga zid bo'lgan cherkovga ko'plab imtiyozlar berdi; boshqa tomondan, Cherkovga qarshi olib borilgan kampaniya ularning jamoatchilik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishini susaytirdi va SSSRga qaram bo'lib qoldi.[3] 1945 yildayoq qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan maktablarda diniy ta'limni saqlab qolish muhim imtiyoz edi; Shu bilan birga, davlat bunday ko'rsatmalarni boshqa vositalar yordamida cheklash va yo'q qilishga urinish uchun manevrlar qildi.

Boleslav Bierut, fraktsiyaning bir qismi sifatida Polsha ishchilar partiyasi (Polshadagi Kommunistik partiya) ga taqlid qilishni ma'qul ko'rgan Sovet Ittifoqi (Gomulka noyob polshalik tizim yaratmoqchi edi), 1948 yilda boshqaruvni o'z qo'liga oldi va Polshani stalinistlar davlatiga aylantirishga urinib ko'rdi, unda din kommunizm foydasiga faol ravishda qo'llab-quvvatlanmadi.[1] Bu nazorat kuchaygan va repressiyalarning umumiy davrida sodir bo'lgan Sharqiy blok mamlakatlar. Rejim katoliklik va dinning mavjudligini madaniyatdan yo'q qilishga intildi va shu maqsadda Vatikandan ajralib qolish, cherkovga qarshi antagonistik jamoatchilik fikrini yaratish va cherkovning o'zida qarama-qarshiliklarni qo'zg'atib, diniy rahbarlarni o'rniga qo'ydi. rejim bilan ishlagan boshqalar.[9] 1945 yilda nikoh dunyoviylashtirildi va 1949 yilda diniy idoradan fuqarolik ishlari olib tashlandi.[1]

Polsha jamiyati bolsheviklar inqilobidan oldingi uzoq yillik tarixi tufayli unga qarshi bo'lgan rejimlar hukmronligi ostida 1945 yildan keyin ta'qiblarga tayyor edi.[5] Er osti universitetlari sansürsüz tarix va axloq saboqlarini berdilar va ko'p odamlar ochiqchasiga cherkovda qatnashgan.[10]

Polshalik primatning saylovlar to'g'risida katoliklarga katolik ta'limotiga qarshi bo'lgan partiyalarni qo'llab-quvvatlamaslikni buyurgan xati 1946 yilda bostirilgan.[11]

Patriot ruhoniylari

Polshadagi diniy kampaniyaning diqqatga sazovor joylaridan biri cherkov ierarxiyasiga qarshi bo'lgan va kommunizmni qo'llab-quvvatlagan "Vatanparvar ruhoniylar" edi. Ular mukofotlandilar, hatto ba'zida Rimga borishga ruxsat berildilar. Ularning ba'zilari tajribali qamoq lagerlariga ega edilar; ba'zilari Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida Qizil Armiya ruhoniylari bo'lganlar. Yepiskoplar ularni ko'pincha o'z lavozimlarida qolishlariga yo'l qo'yishadi, garchi ular odatda taniqli kishilar tomonidan chetlashtirilsa; bu ruhoniylar ko'pchilikning qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erisha olmadilar.[5] Davlat ular bilan hamkorlik qilgan ruhoniylarni qo'llab-quvvatladi; qolgan ruhoniylar reaktsion faoliyat, millat bilan birdamlik yo'qligi va Vatikan bilan fitna uyushtirishda ayblangan.[9]

Hukumat ushbu sa'y-harakatlarda ma'lum muvaffaqiyatlarga erishdi; taxminan Polshadagi 11000 ruhoniydan 1700 kishi 1955 yilgacha "taraqqiyparvar" konferentsiyalarda qatnashgan.[9] 1949 yilda Kommunistik Polsha Prezidenti Boleslav Bierut Varshavadagi Belveder saroyida Ozodlik va demokratiya uchun kurashchilar uyushmasi (ZBoWiD) tomonidan o'tkazilgan konferentsiyada qatnashgan ruhoniylarni ziyofat qildi. Konferentsiyada ba'zi ruhoniylar Bierutga iyerarxiya va hukumat o'rtasida kelishuvning yo'qligi ruhoniylarning ishini qiyinlashtirganligini aytishdi. Bierut bu muammoni iyerarxiyada aybladi:

cherkov yuqori idoralarining Xalq davlatiga nisbatan salbiy munosabati ... Ko'p hollarda ruhoniylardan eshitish mumkin ... bu so'zlar ko'pincha oddiygina jinoyatchi, davlatga qarshi bo'lgan.[9]

Bierut kooperativ ruhoniylariga imtiyozlar, jumladan ta'til, moliyaviy yordam, soliqlardan ozod qilish va qonunlar bo'yicha qonunlardan himoya qilish (davlat tomonidan taqiqlanmagan) imtiyozlarini berdi.[3]

Ushbu konferentsiyadan so'ng ruhoniylar komissiyasi biriktirilgan ZBoWiD keyingi yili ikki yilda ikki marta nashr etila boshlangan, "Fuqaro ruhoniysi" (Ksiądz obywatel) nashr etildi, shu yili Priests 'Forge (Kuźnica kapłańska) tomonidan almashtirildi. Ular deyarli barcha viloyat markazlarida konferentsiyalar o'tkazdilar. Yosh ruhoniylar maxsus sinflarga yozilishga majbur bo'ldilar Marksizm sabab bo'lish niyatida nizo cherkovda.[9]

Shuningdek, davlat cherkovga bir nechta boshqa tashkilotlar - Tinchlik partizanlarining Polsha qo'mitasi, katoliklarning ijtimoiy klubi va bolalarning do'stlari jamiyati orqali kirib borishga urindi.[9] "PAX" oddiy uyushmasi rahbarligi ostida tashkil etilgan Boleslav Piasecki, urushgacha bo'lgan fashistik tashkilotning etakchisi va cherkov a'zolaridan ierarxiyaga bo'ysunish majburiyatini olib tashlashga harakat qildi; ushbu tashkilot rejimni qo'llab-quvvatladi diniy bo'lmagan harakatlari, va shuningdek antisemitizm kampaniya 1960 yillarning oxirlarida.[12]

ZBoWiD ruhoniylar komissiyasi Tinchlik kampaniyasini qo'llab-quvvatladi, hukumatning G'arbiy Germaniyani remilitarizatsiyalashga qarshi noroziliklarini qo'llab-quvvatladi, rejalangan iqtisodiyotni qo'llab-quvvatladi va yangi konstitutsiya axloqiy tamoyillarga va nasroniy vijdoniga to'liq mos kelishini aytdi.[9] Ular Polshaning Germaniyaning bir qismi bo'lgan g'arbiy hududlarni saqlab qolishini qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali ommaviy mashhurlikka erishdilar.[9]

Xalq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmagani sababli hukumat cherkovda bo'linishni keltirib chiqara olmadi, shuning uchun ular 1955 yilda tashkilotni tarqatib yuborishdi va aksincha odamlarni tinchlik partizanlari harakatiga qo'shilishga chaqirishdi.

Din ishlari bo'yicha byuro

1950 yilda Polsha hukumati Diniy ishlar bo'yicha byuroni tuzdi, u kadrlar bo'yicha qarorlar va tashkiliy funktsiyalar bo'yicha yurisdiktsiyaga ega edi.[13]

Polsha partizanlari Tinchlik qo'mitasi qoshidagi ziyolilar va katolik faollarining asosiy komissiyasi 1950 yilda tashkil etilgan bo'lib, dastlab ilohiyot fakultetlari a'zolari, Lyublindagi katolik universiteti vakillari va cherkovning faol ishchilaridan iborat edi. 1950 yilda ushbu guruh Varshavada bo'lib o'tgan ikkinchi Xalqaro Tinchlik Kongressida qatnashdi.[9] 1951 yilda ushbu tashkilot katolik jamoatchilik fikri vakili bo'lgan ruhoniylar va oddiy odamlarning birinchi milliy konferentsiyasini homiylik qildi. Ushbu tashkilot jamoatchilik fikrini shakllantirishga va katoliklarning xatti-harakatlariga tegishli tamoyillarni shakllantirishga urindi. U tinchlik kampaniyasini, shuningdek G'arbiy Germaniyadagi remilitarizatsiya va g'arbiy hududlarni ushlab turishni qo'llab-quvvatlashga qarshi hukumat noroziliklarini faol ravishda targ'ib qildi. Unda G'arbiy Germaniyadagi katolik cherkovi go'yo Polshaga qarshi maqsadlarda ekspluatatsiya qilinganligi uchun tanqid qilingan.[9]

Katolik ijtimoiy klubi deb nomlangan, rejimni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan va hatto Polsha parlamentida vakolatxonasi bo'lgan yana bir tashkilot, ammo u xalq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmadi.[9] U yarashishga urindi Katolik ta'limoti bilan dialektik materializm.

Bolalar do'stlari jamiyati (TPD) 1949 yilda Kommunistik partiya tomonidan davlat maktab tizimini dunyoviylashtirish uchun tashkil etilgan va u bolalar bog'chalari, boshlang'ich maktablari, o'qituvchilar kollejlari, lagerlar va yoshlar uchun dam olish markazlarini tashkil etdi. Jamiyatning asosiy maqsadi yoshlarni ateist va rejim tarafdorlari sifatida tarbiyalash edi. 1950 yilga kelib TPD 500 dan ortiq maktabni tashkil etdi. Katolik cherkovi jamoat maktablaridan diniy ta'limot va cherkov ta'sirini olib tashlash urinishlariga faol qarshi chiqdi va imonlilarni cherkovni o'z muxolifatida qo'llab-quvvatlashga undadi. 1956 yilga kelib davlat maktablarida diniy ta'lim deyarli butunlay yo'q qilindi.[3] Sovet uslubidagi targ'ibot kampaniyasi ateizmga bag'ishlangan muzeylar, uyushmalar va nashrlarni yaratdi.[12]

Rasmiy matbuot Polshani buzg'unchilikdan saqlash kampaniyasini boshladi (bu Vatikanga tegishli). Hukumat dastlabki yillarda Vatikan va Polsha iyerarxiyasini germanofillar sifatida tasvirlaydigan tashviqot kampaniyasini o'tkazdi; Vatikan davlatning yangi hududini belgilash uchun Polshaning episkoplik chegaralarini o'zgartirishni rad etdi.[9]

Polsha propagandasida Vatikan Polshaga salbiy ta'sir sifatida tez-tez hujumga uchragan va Vatikan uni zaiflashtirgani sababli Polsha XVIII asrda o'z faoliyatini to'xtatgan deb da'vo qilgan.[11] Targ'ibot, shuningdek, Vatikanni fashizm bilan bog'lashga harakat qildi va Piy XII Franko ning Ispaniyadagi to'ntarishi va Vichi rejimi uchun javobgar ekanligini da'vo qildi. Vatikanga sodiq Polsha ruhoniylari ham targ'ibotda fashistlar sifatida qaraldi.

Cherkov 1950 yilda, Vatikan Germaniyani Ikkinchi Jahon Urushida qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali uni buzgan degan asosda hukumat tomonidan 1925 yilgi eski kelishuv tashlanganidan so'ng (Vatikan Dantsigdagi nemis episkopiga yurisdiktsiyaga ega bo'lishiga ruxsat bergan). Polshada yashovchi nemislar ustidan).[9] Ushbu kelishuv Vatikan tomonidan tasdiqlanmagan.[7] Ushbu kelishuv cherkov uchun qulay bo'lgan ba'zi bir xususiyatlarni (hukumat keyingi yillarda ham bunga rioya qilmasligini) o'z ichiga olgan, shu jumladan maktablarda dinni o'qitish va bolalarga maktabdan tashqarida diniy ta'lim olishlariga ruxsat berish huquqini o'z ichiga olgan. Lyublin katolik universiteti faoliyatini davom ettirish uchun katolik tashkilotlari hanuzgacha mavjud bo'lishiga ruxsat berilib, katolik matbuotining mavjud bo'lishiga, cherkovlarda jamoat ibodatining mavjud bo'lishiga, ziyoratlarga, diniy yurishlarga, qurolli kuchlarda diniy xizmatga ruxsat berishga, monastirlarning buyruqlarini davom ettirishga imkon berishga imkon beradi. cherkovga xayriya ishlarini olib borishga ruxsat berishni davom ettirish (bularning aksariyati qo'shni SSSRda, aksincha, taqiqlangan). Buning evaziga davlat Cherkovdan unga siyosiy jihatdan bo'ysunishni va davlat ruxsat bermagan katolik faoliyatini qoralashni talab qildi.[9]

Kommunistik konstitutsiya

1952 yilda Polshaning yangi konstitutsiyasi yaratildi, u ilgari dinni himoya qilishni o'z ichiga olmadi va cherkovning mamlakatda tutgan o'rni Seymning deyarli har qanday yangi qonuni unga zid bo'lmasligi uchun etarlicha ravshan bayon qilindi.[6]

Dastlabki bir necha yil ichida shaxslarni din uchun ta'qib qilish kamdan-kam uchraydi, chunki dastlab davlat qurolli siyosiy qarshilikni bostirish bilan shug'ullangan. 1947-1953 yillarda Polshadagi katolik cherkovi kommunistik Polshada quvg'in qilishning asosiy nishoniga aylandi.[5] Cherkovga aloqador barcha ijtimoiy va xayriya tashkilotlari noqonuniy deb topilgan ("Karitas" hukumat tomonidan 1950 yilda qabul qilingan[6]), Katolik maktablari yopildi, xochlar sinflar va kasalxonalardan olib tashlandi, cherkovlar va monastirlarga qarshi terror kampaniyasi o'tkazildi; ruhoniylar hibsga olinib sudga berila boshlandi (shu qatorda ota Tomasz Rostvorovskiy boshchiligidagi bir qator jezuitlar hibsga olingan).[5] Ko'plab yepiskoplar hibsga olingan yoki o'z lavozimlaridan chetlatilgan, hukumat tomonidan tasdiqlangan ma'murlar keyinchalik yeparxiyani egallab olishgan; ba'zi hollarda hukumat unga sodiq odamlarni episkopga yeparxiyani boshqarishda "yordam berish" uchun yuborgan.[3] Taxminan 900 ruhoniy qamoqqa tashlandi.[8] 1949 yilda to'qqizta ruhoniy o'limga mahkum etilgan; 1950 yilda Bonifratres ordeni va katolik xayriya tashkiloti Karitalar sudga berildi (oxirgi sud shu yili hukumatni egallab olishga olib keldi).[11]

1949 yil iyul oyida Vatikan kommunizmni faol qo'llab-quvvatlagan katoliklarni chiqarib yuborish to'g'risidagi buyrug'ini e'lon qilganida, hukumat buni Polshaning ichki ishlariga aralashish deb atadi va ruhoniylar buyruqni bajarishga urinishgan (masalan, chetlatilgan shaxslarga qo'shilishni rad etish) Polsha tomonidan jazolanadi. qonun.[9] 1949 yilda shu maqsadda qabul qilingan yangi qonun dinlarga qarshi targ'ibot qilish huquqini kafolatladi va shuningdek, "Xalq Respublikasi tizimiga dushmanlik qilish maqsadida" diniy erkinlik huquqidan suiiste'mol qilganlar uchun uch yillik qamoqdan o'limgacha bo'lgan jazoni e'lon qildi. .[11]

Vatikan va Polsha hukumati o'rtasida allaqachon ta'kidlangan munosabatlar o'sha paytdan keyin yomonlashdi va Polsha hukumati cherkovga faolroq zarba berishni boshladi; diniy buyruqlar a'zolari ro'yxatdan o'tishlari va ularning faoliyati, shuningdek mol-mulki to'g'risida hisobot berishlari talab qilingan va katolik nashrlari ko'proq bostirilgan.[6]

Adliya vaziri yangi qonunchilikka izoh berar ekan, uning noroziligini bildirdi,

rejimning besh yillik faoliyati davomida rejim yutuqlarini qadrlashning biron bir alomatini ko'rsatmagan Xalq demokratiyasiga nisbatan iyerarxiyaning salbiy munosabati .... (cherkov) kapitalizmga qarshi kurashdan bosh tortdi. va sotsializmga bo'lgan ishtiyoqni susaytirishga harakat qildilar.[11]

Salesian maktablari va bolalar uylari yopildi. Barcha cherkov xususiy maktablari 1950 yilgacha yopildi; bunga hukumat shunchaki ruxsatnoma berishdan bosh tortgan holda erishdi Katolik maktablari ular uchun murojaat qilgan (diniy ta'limga hali ham rasmiy ravishda ruxsat berilganligi sababli, bu vositalar o'rniga katolik ta'limini yo'q qilish uchun foydalanilgan).[9] Hukumat tasarrufidagi xususiy maktablarda, albatta, diniy ta'lim bo'lmagan; 1950 yilgi kelishuvda maktablarda diniy ta'lim berishga ruxsat berilganiga qaramay, bu huquq yo'qolib ketmoqda edi. Marksizm maktab tizimida majburiy mavzuga aylandi. Stokgolm tinchlik murojaatiga imzo chekishni rad etganligi uchun ruhoniylar o'qituvchi lavozimidan ozod qilindi va rohibalarga davlat maktablarida dars berish taqiqlandi, shu bilan boshqa o'qituvchilar diniy ta'lim bera olmaydigan odatiy holatga olib keldi; ba'zi joylarda ota-onalarning talablari asosida diniy ko'rsatmalar olib qo'yilgan. 1955 yilga kelib Polshada mavjud bo'lgan yagona katolik oliy ta'lim muassasasi rejim tomonidan asta-sekin tugatilayotgan Lyublin katolik universiteti edi.[9] 1952-1956 yillarda jami 59 seminar yopildi va yangi ruhoniylarni tayyorlashga cheklovlar qo'yildi.[9] 1949 yilda tashkil etilgan Rozanystok seminariyasi 1954 yilda shafqatsizlarcha tugatildi.[5] U Vilno shahridan ko'chirilgan va ruhoniylikka nomzodlarni tayyorlash hamda o'g'il bolalar uchun katolik ta'limini berish uchun sotuvchilar tomonidan boshqarilgan. Seminariya Sharqiy Polshada joylashgan bo'lib, u 1939 yilda SSSR tomonidan qo'shib olingan hududning sobiq aholisini ish bilan ta'minlagan va hukumat uchun katta tashvish tug'dirib, uning shafqatsiz yopilishiga sabab bo'lgan.

Cherkovdan va unga qarashli tashkilotlardan juda ko'p er mulklari musodara qilindi (bu yer faqat cherkov ruhoniylarining tomorqalari edi, agar bu er 50 gektar [120 gektar] dan oshmasa yoki ba'zi joylarida 100 gektar [250 gektar] bo'lsa. mamlakatning[6]), cherkov bilan bog'liq xayriya faoliyatiga jiddiy cheklovlar qo'yildi va hukumat hayotiy statistik ma'lumotlarni yozib olishni o'z nazoratiga oldi.[9] 1950 yilda cherkovning barcha mol-mulki tovon to'lamasdan milliylashtirildi, bundan tashqari cherkov ruhoniylari o'zlarining yashashlari uchun foydalanganlar (ammo bunday erlar 50 gektardan oshmasligi kerak edi (120 akr) va bunday erlardan olingan har qanday daromad diniy va xayriya maqsadlarida ishlatilishi kerak edi. maqsadlar).[9] Ushbu davlatlashtirish davlat tomonidan cherkov va ruhoniylarni parvarish qilish uchun mablag 'ajratib berishga va'da berdi.[11] Cherkov ushbu musodara qilinishiga katta qarshilik ko'rsatmadi va shu bilan kommunistlarga cherkovga, asosan, o'z mulkini himoya qilish bilan shug'ullanuvchi muassasa sifatida hujum qilish imkoniyatidan mahrum bo'ldi (Lenin rus pravoslav cherkovi bilan qilganidek). Hukumatning musodara qilinishi cherkovning quyi sinflar orasida yanada mashhur bo'lishiga olib keldi.

1951 yilda davlatga qarshi bo'lgan yashirin tashkilotning bir qismi bo'lganligi uchun hukm qilingan ikkita ruhoniy hukumat g'arbiy (sobiq Germaniya) hududlarida vaqtinchalik cherkov ma'muriyatini tugatishni boshlagan va bu hududlardan havoriy ma'murlarini olib tashlagan yangi kampaniya uchun o'q-dorilar bilan ta'minladilar. Vatikan ushbu episkopikaga Polsha episkoplarini tayinlashni boshladi.

1951 yil may oyida ruhoniylar va hukumat "Tinchlik Plebisitining milliy xartiyasini" imzoladilar, shundan so'ng keyingi sud jarayonlari o'tkazildi, shu jumladan, Izuitlar ordeni va Sent-Bernard ordeni (ikkita o'limga hukm qilingan). Rasmiy targ'ibotda kuchli olovga duchor bo'lgan uchta Salesian episkopi 1952 yilda g'oyib bo'ldi; o'sha yili Krakovdagi bir necha ruhoniylar josuslik va sabotajda ayblanib hibsga olingan. 1953 yil yanvar oyida beshta taniqli shaxs, shu jumladan arxiyepiskop Baziak Krakov hibsga olingan; Krakovdagi ommaviy noroziliklar zo'ravonlik bilan bostirildi.[11]

1953 yil fevral oyida to'rtta ruhoniy va uchta oddiy odam josuslikda ayblanib sudga berildi. Hukumat sud tomonidan qo'zg'atilgan taxmin qilingan jamoatchilik fikri bosimi ostida ular cherkov ustidan nazoratni qo'lga olishlari kerakligini e'lon qildi. Shuning uchun hukumat barcha cherkov postlarini hukumat ma'qullashini talab qildi.[3] Hukumat bu kuchdan va shu yillarda cherkov faoliyatini nazorat qilishga qaratilgan boshqa choralardan foydalanib, cherkovni zaiflashtirish uchun uni jamiyatdan olib tashlashga yordam berish uchun yordam berdi.[9] Polshaning Kardinal Primate, Stefan Vishinski, cherkov ma'murlarini pastorlar o'rniga tayinlash uchun kanonik qoidalarni yumshatish uchun Vatikandan ruxsat olish orqali ushbu to'siq atrofida harakat qilishga harakat qildi, chunki cherkov ma'murlari ushbu hukumat vetosiga bo'ysunmagan. Hukumat kamdan-kam hollarda veto huquqidan foydalangan deb da'vo qilmoqda, garchi Kardinal Vishinski episkoplarni tayinlashdagi rolida o'zini deyarli to'sqinlik qilganini aytgan.[3]

Vishinski hukumatning cherkovga bo'lgan munosabatiga qarshi norozilik xati nashr etishga urinib ko'rdi va u yashirincha hibsga olinib, 1953 yilda uy qamog'iga (monastirda bo'lgan) qo'yildi; Bu hibsga olinishdan oldin boshqa bir qator episkoplar hibsga olinganidan keyin (shu jumladan primat, shu yili 11 yepiskop hibsga olingan)[12]), shu jumladan Varshavadagi harbiy tribunal oldida Kelce episkopi Kachmarek ustidan sud jarayoni (josuslikda ayblanib).[14] Shundan so'ng, erkin yepiskoplar hukumatning fevraldagi farmoni bilan hamkorlik qilishga kelishib oldilar.[11] Keyinchalik bu hibsga olish ommaviy ma'lumotga aylandi; hukumat uni 1955 yilda kardinal-primat lavozimini davom ettirishdan voz kechsa, uni ozod qilishni taklif qildi.

Davlat Polshadagi Rim-katolik cherkoviga qarshi qurol sifatida foydalanish uchun Polsha pravoslav cherkovini (yarim millionga yaqin a'zosi bilan) o'z qo'liga olishga harakat qildi va u Metropoliten deb nomlangan shaxsni boshqarishga urindi. Polsha pravoslav cherkovi; Metropolitan Dionizy (urushdan keyingi POC rahbari) hibsga olingan va ozod qilinganidan keyin xizmatdan nafaqaga chiqqan.[13]

Hukumatning hokimiyat tepasiga kelishi bilan urushdan oldingi matbuot to'g'risidagi qonunchilik bekor qilindi, matbaa sanoati va zavodlari milliylashtirildi va nashrdan oldin tsenzurasi o'rnatildi. 1946 yil iyulda hukumat qarori bilan Matbuot, nashrlar va jamoat tomoshalarini nazorat qilish markaziy idorasi tashkil etildi, uning ostida barcha matbaa va matbaa ishlari nazoratga olindi.[3] Kommunizmgacha bo'lgan Polshaning keng va xilma-xil katolik matbuot tarmog'i asosan yo'q qilindi, faqat og'ir tsenzurada davom etgan ba'zi nashrlar bundan mustasno, ularning tiraji qisqargan va faqat diniy mavzularda so'zlash talab qilingan (aksincha) siyosiy yoki ijtimoiy).[3] Katolik nashrlarida hanuzgacha mavjud bo'lgan Tygodnik Varszavskiy (u rejimga bo'ysungan va 1949 yilda yopilgan), Tygodnik Povzecniy (muharrirlari 1953 yilda Stalin uchun to'g'ri obzoriya chiqara olmaganligi sababli bosim ostida iste'foga chiqqanlar va rejim tarafdorlari katoliklari o'z zimmalariga oldilar.) ammo uning eski muharrirlari 1956 yilda qaytib kelishgan) va Dziś i Jutro (katoliklik va kommunizmning birgalikda yashashini targ'ib qilgan nashr). Bu Sovet blokining boshqa joylariga (shu jumladan, 1929 yilda cherkov nashrlarini taqiqlagan SSSRga) ruxsat berilmagan erkinlik edi. Tygodnik Varszavskiy asoschilari qamoqqa tashlangan, ulardan Zigmunt Kaczinskiy va Antoni Antakzak ikkalasi ham qamoqda vafot etgan. Kardinal Vishinski Ota Ziguntning nomidan aralashishga urindi.

Ning majburiy konvertatsiyasi bilan ta'qib qilingan SSSRdagi sharqiy katoliklar Pravoslavga, Polsha hukumati Polshadagi pravoslav cherkovini o'z zimmasiga olishga chaqirdi.pastoral parvarish Polshadagi sharqiy katoliklarning. Metropolitan Dionizy Polsha pravoslav cherkovi rahbarligidan chiqarilgandan so'ng, Metropolitan Macarius mas'ul etib tayinlandi. U g'arbiy Ukrainadan edi (ilgari Polshaning sharqida) va u erda sharqiy katoliklarning majburiy ravishda pravoslavga aylanishida muhim rol o'ynagan. Polsha xavfsizlik kuchlari unga boshqaruvni o'z zimmasiga olishda qarshilikni bostirishda yordam berishdi Sharqiy katolik cherkovlar.[13] Urushdan keyingi chegara tuzatilishidan keyin Polshada qolgan ko'plab sharqiy katoliklar G'arbiy Polshaga Germaniyadan yangi olingan hududlarga joylashdilar. Polshadagi davlat POCga Polshadagi Rim-katolik cherkoviga qaraganda ko'proq imtiyozlar berdi; davlat hatto ushbu cherkovga pul berdi, garchi u ko'pincha va'da qilingan to'lovlarni bajarmasa, POC uchun doimiy moliyaviy inqirozga olib keldi.

Siyosiy eritish davri (1956-1970)

Bir davr stallizatsiya 1950-yillarda Sharqiy blokda yuzaga kelgan va Polshadagi noyob vaziyatga duch kelganda kommunizm duch kelgan muammolarni tan olganligi sababli, Vladyslav Gomulka hokimiyatga qaytishiga olib keldi (u ilgari uning o'rnini Bierut egallashidan oldin rahbar bo'lgan 1948).[3] Davlat sharqiy katolik cherkovlariga cheklovlarni yengillashtirdi, ular qayta rivojlana boshladi, qisman katoliklarning yordami bilan.[13] Davlat cherkovni davlat maqsadlari uchun boshqarish va boshqarish bilan bog'liq harakatlaridan uzoqlashdi, chunki u o'zining mavjudligining dastlabki yillarida rejalashtirgan edi va qonun va kuch bilan unga qarshi kurashish strategiyasiga ko'proq o'tdi.

Voqealar paytida 1956 yil oktyabr inqilobi, hukumat dunyoviy matbuot qismlari tomonidan tanqid qilindi va katolik matbuotining sodiqligi shu kunlarda Gomulka foydasiga qaytarildi va unga qo'yilgan ba'zi cheklovlarni bekor qildi. Kardinal Vishinski va boshqa yepiskoplar qamoqdan ozod qilindi, beshta katolik deputat kirishga ruxsat berildi Seym va rohiblar va rohibalarga monastirlariga qaytishga ruxsat berildi.[8] Hukumat va cherkov o'rtasida yangi kelishuv tuzilib, avvalgi dinlarga qarshi choralarni olib tashlashga qaror qilindi va cherkovning davlatga sodiqligi yana bir bor yangilandi.[6] Biroq, bu bir necha yil ichida Gomulka o'z nazoratini kuchaytirib, katolik matbuotini yana cheklashni boshlagach, bekor qilindi.[3] Keyinchalik katolik matbuoti dunyoviy matbuotda cherkovga qarshi bahslarga javob berishga qodir emas edi.

1957 yilda Kardinal Vishinski hukumat bilan hamkorlik qilgan katoliklarni qoralagan Vatikan farmonini nashr etishga urindi, ammo tsenzurasi uni oldini oldi. Cherkov, shuningdek, o'z matbuotida tug'ilishni nazorat qilish yoki abort qilishga qarshi har qanday qarshilik ko'rsatishga qodir emas edi.

Abort dastlab cheklangan bo'lib qoldi (urushgacha bo'lgan davrda bo'lgani kabi va Polsha tarixining aksariyati uchun ham), lekin 1956 yilda qonuniylashtirildi va 1959 yilda abortga kirish huquqini kengaytiradigan ijro etuvchi qoidalar qabul qilindi. Ushbu harakat urushdan keyingi o'n yilliklarda davom etgan (Polsha aholisining 22% vafot etgan) ulkan ishchi kuchi etishmovchiligi bo'yicha davlatning aniq iqtisodiy maqsadlariga zid edi, ammo qonuniylashtirish cherkovga zarba berish uchun mafkuraviy qurol sifatida ishlatilgan bilan, uning jamoat jamiyatidagi ta'sirini susaytirish uchun.[15]

Davlat ayollarni pullik ishchi kuchi va ijtimoiy hayotda faolroq ishtirok etishga undadi, qisman ayolning oilaviy hayotdagi o'rni haqidagi cherkovning munosabatini buzishga urinish sifatida.[15]

Katolik ta'limi 1956 yildan keyin ma'lum darajada davlat maktablarida qaytib keldi, ammo endi majburiy emas edi (oldin u majburiy bo'lganida, maktab ma'muriyati odatda buni majburiy qilmagan) va faqat ota-onalarning aksariyati talab qilgan maktablarda mavjud edi va bu shunday edi darsdan tashqari vaqtlarda darsdan tashqari mashg'ulot sifatida qaraladi; avvalgidek, ammo davlat darhol ushbu imtiyozni yo'q qilishga qaratilgan choralarni ko'rdi. Maktablarda o'qitadigan diniy buyruqlarning barcha a'zolarining o'qitish litsenziyalari to'xtatildi va ko'plab oddiy o'qituvchilar dars berishdan to'xtatildi, shu sababli ko'plab maktablarni din o'qituvchisiz qoldirish va boshqa bilvosita vositalar davlat maktablarida qonuniy ruxsat berilgan diniy ta'limni yo'q qilish uchun ishlatilgan.[6] Tasdiqlangan o'qituvchilar davlat tekshiruvidan o'tkazildi va o'quv dasturlari davlat tomonidan tasdiqlanishi kerak edi.[6] Vaziyat o'sib borishi bilan, davlat 1961 yilda diniy ta'limotni qonuniy ravishda yo'q qilishga kirishdi.

Gomulka o'sha yilgi Markaziy Qo'mitaning ettinchi yalpi majlislarida shunday degan edi:

Xalq Polshasidagi maktab oddiy maktabdir. Uning vazifasi - ma'rifatli, xurofotlardan xoli va oqilona fikrlaydigan fuqarolarni tayyorlash. Davlat hokimiyati organlari o'z farzandlarini olishni istagan ota-onalar uchun to'siqlar yaratmaydi diniy ta'lim. Biroq, qiziqish uchun. . . barcha ota-onalar - dindorlar va dinsizlar - bu bolalar maktabdan tashqarida diniy ta'lim olishlari kerak.[3]

Gomulkaning bayonotiga qaramay, davlat dinni maktablardan tashqarida o'qitish uchun ham to'siqlar yaratdi. Hukumat tez-tez diniy darslar o'tkaziladigan binolar xavfli deb e'lon qildi va shuning uchun ularga ruxsat berilmadi. Hukumat, shuningdek, diniy o'qituvchilar davlat ishchilari bo'lishiga oid bunday ko'rsatmalarni haftasiga 2 soatdan ko'p bo'lmagan muddatga cheklash to'g'risida qonun chiqargan (Cherkov ruhoniylarga ro'yxatdan o'tmaslik va ish haqini qabul qilishlarini aytdi Iso Ta'limni mahalliy maktab kengashlari nazorat qilishlari kerak. Ushbu cheklovlar dastlab istar-istamas amalga oshirilgan edi, ammo 1964 yilda yangi qonunchilikda diniy ta'lim uchun barcha binolarni hukumat gigiena talablariga binoan tekshiruvdan o'tkazishga imkon berdi, bu esa ularni shu asosda yopish huquqini o'zida saqlab qoldi. Kardinal Vishinski buni amalga oshirishga qarshi chiqdi va hukumat bu faqat talabalar salomatligi va xavfsizligini himoya qilish bilan bog'liqligini rad etdi.[3]

Katoliklarga nisbatan ham jamoat, ham kasbiy hayotda kamsitish siyosati joriy etildi.[16]

1959 yilda "ibodat" atamasi tarkibiga kiradigan ta'rifni cheklaydigan yangi soliq qonunlari tasdiqlandi va primatning kotibiyati, seminarlar yoki katolik xayriya tashkilotlari kabi narsalar uchun yig'indilar soliqdan ozod qilindi. Bu cherkov xayr-ehson pullaridan xususiy tadbirkorlik bilan bir xil darajada soliqqa tortilishiga olib keldi (65%).[6] Bir paytlar g'arbiy hududlardagi cherkov binolari Germaniyadan keyingi mulk sifatida milliylashtirildi va ulardan foydalanganligi uchun yuqori ijara haqlari undirildi.[6]

Shuningdek, 1959 yilda diniy buyruqlar a'zolariga cherkov ruhoniylari yoki ma'murlari bo'lishga ruxsat berilmagan va ular kasalxonalar, jamoat bog'chalari, dispanserlar va bolalar bog'chalarida xizmatdan bo'shatilgan.[6] 1960 yildan boshlab rohibalarga universitet yoki kollejlarda o'qishga ruxsat berilmadi. Ko'pgina diniy buyruqlar a'zolarining yashash joylari to'g'risidagi deklaratsiyalari davlat tomonidan qabul qilinmagan. Odatda davlat ularni kamsitgani uchun ularning fuqarolik huquqlari buzilgan.[6]

Dinga qarshi targ'ibot Polsha ommasi orasida katta mashhurlik topa olmadi. Cherkovga qilingan bosimga qaramay, seminariyani tark etgan ruhoniylar soni haqiqatan ham 1950-yillarda urushdan oldingi yillarga qaraganda yuqori darajalarga erishdilar.[3]

1960 yildan Polsha tobora kuchayib borayotgan katolik ziyolilari va yosh katoliklarning faol harakati rivojlandi.[5] "Oazis" harakati 1960-yillarda Ota Frensisek Blakniki tomonidan tashkil etilgan bo'lib, u cherkov faoliyatidan iborat edi. haj, chekinishlar va har xil ekumenik sa'y-harakatlar. Uni buzish uchun davlat tomonidan olib borilgan kuchli harakatlar muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi.

Davomida Papa Ioann XXIII Pontifikat, rejim Polshani muvaffaqiyatli chetlab o'tdi episkop Vatikan bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri muzokaralar olib borish huquqiga ega bo'lib, bu hukumatga Polsha episkopatini izolyatsiya qilishga imkon berdi. Qachon Pol VI uning o'rnini egalladi, yangi papa Polsha episkopatidan o'tish uchun qo'shimcha muzokaralarni talab qildi.[16]

1965 yilda Polshaning 1000 yilligi arafasida nasroniylikni qabul qilish Polsha yepiskopi ushbu tadbirga chet ellik mehmonlarni, shu jumladan taklif qilish orqali tayyorlandi Papa Pol VI. Nemis yepiskoplariga yo'llagan maktubida, u munozarali ravishda o'tmishni unutishni, nemislarga sodir bo'lgan voqealar uchun kechirim berishni so'ragan. Ikkinchi jahon urushi shuningdek, ushbu hodisalar uchun polshaliklar ham kechirilishini so'radi va Polshaning himoyasi bo'lganini ta'kidladi Nasroniylik; davlat xatning mazmuni bilan bog'liq masalani hal qildi va u yuborilganda davlat bilan aniqlanmagan edi. Polsha tashqi siyosati manfaatlariga zid deb e'lon qilindi. Gomułka stated that declaring Poland as the bulwark of Christianity was at odds with Poland's relationship with the Soviet Union and struck at the foundations of Poland's foreign policy.[6]

In the midst of this crisis, the Polish episcopate was also criticized in the press for making no progressive contribution to the Second Vatican Council and Cardinal Wyszyński was reproached for supposedly calling "for the condemnation of atheism, the preservation of theold, anti-socialist and pro-fascist social doctrine of the Church in all spheres of social life.[6] "

To punish the Church for its behaviour, several seminaries were closed and seminarchilar were made subject to the military draft, Wyszyński was denied privilege to travel to Rome and Paul VI was barred from coming to the Millennium celebrations.[6] The government staged rival secular celebrations at the same time as the religious celebrations took place, in order to blunt enthusiasm in the religious celebrations.[7]

Despite all of this (and in contrast to the USSR), the number of parishes, priests and nuns reached higher figures than it had prior to the coming of Communism.[6] The postwar church had 20,000,000 regular communicants.[8]

In 1968, following the student uprisings, the Church was criticized for providing moral support to anti-Polish forces on account of its speaking up for human rights.

Edward Gierek's decade in office (1970–1981)

Beginning in the early 1970s the Church moved from a defensive stance to a more aggressive stance in speaking in defence of human rights.[17]

In 1970, Edward Gierek became the new leader of Poland, and he embarked on more relaxed policies with regard to anti-religious activity than his predecessors had. He established a personal working relationship with Stefan Wyszyński, authorized the building of new Churches and the resumption of instruction for priests in seminaries. In October 1977, he became the first Polish Communist leader to go to the Vatican and meet the pope (then Paul VI).[18]

The security apparatus in Poland, as in other Communist nations, recruited members of the clergy.[5] The security service used blackmail, psixologik manipulyatsiya and a variety of material rewards (e.g. needed medicines for ill relatives) in order to secure the cooperation of clergy. In a reversal, the security service and Polish government had also members in its ranks who were secretly providing beneficial information to the Church

Catholic youth were forced to enroll in Communist Youth organizations. Dan farqli o'laroq KPSS (which was staunchly atheist), believers formed the majority of the membership of the Polish United Workers' Party, wherein almost 50% of party members practiced their faith at church (statistic from 1980).[7]

The state encouraged the migration from rural areas towards cities, partly as an attempt to weaken the Church's influence. School curricula was modified to include more Marksist-leninchi ideas, new superintendents sympathetic to the party were appointed and later afternoon classes were created to hinder children from going to receive religious instruction.[15]

The state came to increasingly change it approach to gender relations (earlier used to strike the Church with) in the later decades when woman's role in the family became more strongly emphasized in official propaganda and legislative measures were introduced to make it harder for women to find employment.[15]

Atheism never became widely accepted in Poland (as it had been in the USSR), and vast numbers of Poles continued to believe and even to attend Mass. Religious indifference became more common than atheism, but never achieved numbers larger than a small minority. However, at the same time, among believing Catholics, Catholic moral beliefs were eroded, with increasing numbers of people not accepting Church teaching on abortion yoki matrimonial/familial relations, and many Catholic Christians began thinking of morality being independent from religion as well as rejected the clergy's authority to issues directions regarding conscience.[19]

Cardinal Primate of Poland, Stefan Wyszyński, believed that Poland had a special role to play in human history and he supported Polish nationalism as a precursor to the liberation of Eastern Europe from Soviet role. Such ideas were popular among many Polish Catholics as well. Wyszyński was brought into sharp conflict with the Communist authorities on account of this (he also experienced some conflict with the Vatican). He was very popular in Polish society, and he was defiantly referred to as 'interrex ' (when Poland was an electoral monarchy, during the period when one monarch had died and before another was elected, the supreme power in the country was held by the Roman Catholic primate who was called 'interrex', this title therefore meant that there was no other legitimate government in Poland at the moment except the primate).[1] He was both a critic of the regime and a mediator between the regime and the rest of civil society.[20] Wyszyński provided a significant obstacle to the Communists taking control of the church in Poland; he died in 1981 and was replaced by Cardinal Józef Glemp.[4]

After Cardinal Wojtyła of Kraków became Papa Ioann Pavel II, his election was greeted in Poland with great enthusiasm.[20] He visited Poland from June 2–10 in 1979. During his visit he bluntly challenged Communist ideology by declaring that Christianity was the route to true human freedom (as opposed to Marksizm ) and called people to non-conformance.[17] Over thirteen million people went into the streets to greet him in his visit, in direct defiance to the Polish government. Dissidents in Poland and elsewhere in Eastern Europe took great notice to this fact. Radoslav Sikorski in his memoir later said: "We realized for the first time that 'we' were more numerous than 'them'."[21]

When visiting the satellite town of Mogiła (location of the Mogiła Abbey ) in Kraków, the Pope said:

Masih never wants Man to be considered merely as a means of production. . . This should be remembered by the worker and the employer, by the work system as well as by the system of remuneration. It must be remembered by the State, the nation and the Church. . . For the sake of humanity the Church would like to reach an understanding with every work system, asking only to be permitted to speak to the individual human being about Christ and to love him according to his human dignity. . . In the spirit of fraternal solidarity and on the foundation of Christ's cross I, too, have shared in the building of the huge Polish works known as 'Nowa Huta ' together with you, managers, engineers, miners, labourers, minister[22]

Within a year the independent trade union 'Solidarity' was formed, which was initially based on economic concerns, but soon became a political movement affiliated with the Church. Jerzy Urban, government spokesman claimed: "All the people's grievances against the power of the state were channelled into the Church and the election of a Pole as the Pope strengthened this religious propensity even further; when He came to Poland, I knew that this meant the end of a political epoch."[22]

Solidarity movement and its aftermath (1981–1990)

Papa Ioann Pavel II promoted Poland's cause as well as the cause of Christians behind the Iron Curtain on an international level, to the great discomfort of the communist governments in the Warsaw pact.[4] U rad etdi ozodlik ilohiyoti, however, and kept the Church away from becoming too directly involved with politics.[22] The church in Poland, nevertheless, played a key role in the revolution against the regime in the 1980s and provided symbols (the Black Madonna, the suffering Christ, etc.) that gave spiritual depth to the struggle against Communism; John Paul II's portrait with Mary became a popular icon in the struggle.[4] It also provided spiritual and material comfort to striking workers, and acted as a mediator between the solidarity movement and the government.

It also held back the striking workers from excesses.[17] The government allowed the broadcasting of Cardinal Wyszyński's sermon to the striking workers broadcast on radio and television (although the cardinal's condemnation of the propagation of atheism was censored), wherein the cardinal called on the workers to end the strike.[22] On many occasions, the primate (both Wyszyński and Glemp), as well as the Pope, called on Solidarity to be more cooperative and reasonable, and even criticized the trade union for actions taken.[22]

In December 1981 martial law was imposed on Poland. This caused great trouble to the church, and many were rounded up by the military. Many in the Church defended the people who were arrested.[17] The government nevertheless found that it required the church as a mediator in the crisis; General Jaruzelski in his first address to the Sejm in 1982 stated:

Cooperation between the state and the Catholic Church and other beliefs belongs to permanent principles. The government, enabling the fulfillment of the pastoral mission of the Catholic Church and other beliefs, preserves in accordance with the constitution, the lay character of the state. The dialogue continues. We are sincerely interested in it. Differences of opinion should not hide the supreme goal, which is for all Poles the strengthening of the sovereign state. We constantly declare readiness for constructive cooperation. [7]

In 1982 the Joint Committee of Episcopate and Church was reactivated, and began negotiations between the state and the church on its position in Poland. As a result of these negotiations, the state gave into some church demands including an improvement of status for diocesan seminaries, exemption of seminarians from military service, increased circulation of church newspapers, the return of the organization 'Karitalar ' to Church control, the broadcasting of the Sunday Mass and allowing the import and uncensored distribution of L'Osservatore Romano.[22]

The Pope held great influence in the developing crisis in Poland; the Soviet press denounced the clergy in Poland during the crisis.[22] An unsuccessful assassination attempt was made on the pope in 1981 in St Peter's square.

The Polsha pravoslav cherkovi hierarchy, which had had their position in society strengthened since 1945, spoke out against the Solidarity movement.[13] They refused to send delegates to meetings about human rights issues. Some exceptions occurred, such as Fr Piotr Poplawski, an Orthodox priest openly sympathetic to Solidarity who "killed himself" in 1985; several doctors asked to confirm his suicide refused to certify this as the cause of death.[13] A Roman Catholic priest named Jerzy Popielusko had been murdered by the police the previous year,[1] and the doctor who performed his autopsy was brought in and also confirmed that Fr Piotr had committed suicide.[13]

During the government's problems with Solidarity, many parishes were used to help the grass-roots opposition to the regime, which occurred alongside growing attacks on ruhoniylar by the state including brutality against priests (some of whom where murdered), breaking into cherkovlar va xorlash shu qatorda; shu bilan birga theft of religious objects.[1]

Communist authorities blamed nationalist Catholics for fanning strife between Catholic and Orthodox populations.[13]

In Gdańsk accords, the Church was given permission to perform radio broadcasts.[13] As the 80s progressed, the Church became increasingly critical of the regime and in the last years of the decade it played a critical role in the transition to democracy.[17]

Qarshilik

Polshada, Lex Valesa, Chairman of the Solidarity movement, then Polsha Prezidenti summed up the contrasting Polish view of the Soviets and of Religion (specifically Catholicism) this way:

If you choose the example of what we Poles have in our pockets and in our shops, then… communism has done very little for us. But if you choose the example of what is in our souls, I answer that communism has done very much for us. In fact our souls contain exactly the opposite of what they wanted. They wanted us not to believe in God, and our churches are full. They wanted us to be materialistic and incapable of sacrifice. They wanted us to be afraid of the tanks, of the guns, and instead we don't fear them at all.[23]

Lex Valesa

Thus, it is clear that Polish nationalists linked their struggle against the Soviet Union with a struggle against atheism.

Yilda Vengriya, quyidagilarga amal qiling 1956 yildagi Vengriya inqilobi, one of the first actions of the resistance was to retrieve imprisoned Cardinal Xosef Mindszenty; a large crowd took him to the episcopal palace in the city, and his first free action was to celebrate mass in honor of the resistance.[24]

Yilda Chexoslovakiya, 1968 yil Praga bahori provided a renewed Catholic resistance to the Soviets and the Soviet-led Orthodox control of Catholic lands, churches, and institutes. This inspired Ukrainian Greek-Catholics to renew their efforts to achieve official recognition from the Soviets.[25]

Shuningdek qarang

Adabiyotlar

  1. ^ a b v d e f Zdzislawa Walaszek. An Open Issue of Legitimacy: The State and the Church in Poland. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 483, Religion and the State: The Struggle for Legitimacy and Power (Jan., 1986), pp. 118-134
  2. ^ a b Mirek, Agata (2014). "Law as an Instrument of the Communist Authorities in the Fight against Orders in Poland". OL PAN. Teka Komisji Prawniczej: 64–72. Planned atheisation afflicted all areas of activity of monastic communities [...] To victimise clergymen and consecrated people not only provisions of the criminal procedure were used, often violating not only the right for defence, but also basic human rights, allowing to use tortures in order to extort desired testimonies; also an entire system of legal norms, regulating the organisation and functioning of bodies of the judiciary, was used for victimising. Nuns also stood trials in communist courts, becoming victims of the fight of the atheist state against the Catholic Church. The majority of trials from the first decade of the Polish People's Republic in which nuns were in the dock had a political character. A mass propaganda campaign, saturated with hate, led in the press and on the radio, measured up against defendants, was their distinctive feature.
  3. ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o Frank Dinka. Sources of Conflict between Church and State in Poland. Siyosat sharhi, jild 28, No. 3 (Jul., 1966), pp. 332-349
  4. ^ a b v d e f Ediger, Rut M. "Muassasa tarixi cherkov institutsional xatti-harakatlarini bashorat qilish omili sifatida: Polshadagi katolik cherkovi, Ruminiyadagi pravoslav cherkovi va Sharqiy Germaniyadagi protestant cherkovlari ishi". Sharqiy Evropa chorakligi 39.3 (2005)
  5. ^ a b v d e f g h men Clark, Joanna Rostropowicz. "The Church and the Communist Power." Sarmatian Review 30.2 (2010)
  6. ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q Tadeusz N. Cieplak. Church and State in People's Poland. Polish American Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Autumn, 1969), pp. 15-30
  7. ^ a b v d e James E. Will. Church and State in the Struggle for Human Rights in Poland. Journal of Law and Religion, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1984), pp. 153-176
  8. ^ a b v d Tighe, Carl. "Cultural pathology: roots of Polish literary opposition to Communism." Journal of European Studies 29.2 (1999)
  9. ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q r s t siz Richard F. Staar. The Church of Silence in Communist Poland. Katolik tarixiy sharhi, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Oct., 1956), pp. 296-321
  10. ^ Ediger, Ruth M. "History of an institution as a factor for predicting Church institutional behavior: the cases of the Catholic Church in Poland, the Orthodox Church in Romania, and the Protestant churches in East Germany." Sharqiy Evropa chorakligi 39.3 (2005)
  11. ^ a b v d e f g h Post-War Poland and the Church. Edward Dolan. American Slavic and East European Review, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1955), pp. 84-92
  12. ^ a b v Leopold Unger. The People Versus the Party. The Wilson Quarterly (1976-), Vol. 7, No. 2 (Spring, 1983), pp. 48-68
  13. ^ a b v d e f g h men Wynot, Edward, D., Jr. "Captive faith: the Polish Orthodox Church, 1945-1989." East European Quarterly 36.3 (2002)
  14. ^ Religion, Constitutional Courts, and Democracy in Former Communist Countries. James T. Richardson. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 603. Law, Society, and Democracy: Comparative Perspectives (Jan., 2006), pp. 129-138
  15. ^ a b v d Zajicek, Anna M., and Toni M. Calasanti. "Patriarchal struggles and state practices: a feminist, political-economic view." Gender & Society 12.5 (1998)
  16. ^ a b Jon M. Kramer. Vatikanning "Ostpolitik" i. Siyosat sharhi, jild 42, № 3 (Iyul, 1980), 283-308 betlar
  17. ^ a b v d e Anderson, John B. "Catholicism and democratic consolidation in Spain and Poland." West European Politics 26.1 (2003)
  18. ^ Tad Szulc. Foreign Policy, No. 72 (Autumn, 1988), pp. 210-229
  19. ^ Wladyslaw Piwowarski. Industrialization and Popular Religiosity in Poland. Sociological Analysis, Vol. 37, No. 4 (Winter, 1976), pp. 315-320
  20. ^ a b Byrnes, Timothy A. "The Catholic Church and Poland's return to Europe." East European Quarterly 30.4 (1996)
  21. ^ Keril, nasroniy. "The great backlash 1979: what do Ayatollah Khomeini, Margaret Thatcher, Pope John Paul II, and Deng Xiaoping all have in common?" Foreign Policy 173 (2009)
  22. ^ a b v d e f g Church and Pope in the Polish Crisis. Hansjakob Stehle. The World Today, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Apr., 1982), pp. 139-148
  23. ^ Crozier, Brian (1999). Sovet imperiyasining ko'tarilishi va qulashi. Rocklin, CA: Prima Publishing. pp.358. ISBN  0-7615-2057-0.
  24. ^ Crozier, Brian (1999). Sovet imperiyasining ko'tarilishi va qulashi. Rocklin, CA: Prima Publishing. pp.191. ISBN  0-7615-2057-0.
  25. ^ Davis, Nathaniel (2003). A Long Walk to Church. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. p.49. ISBN  0-8133-4067-5.